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Unmasked: The football hooligans behind last weekend’s bloody protest against a Muslim war demo

by papaskin on Jun.01, 2009, under Scene News

Dave Smeeton agreed to meet us outside a Portsmouth pub. There was one condition. ‘No photographers - I don’t want my photograph taken,’ he insisted when we contacted him on his mobile phone earlier this week.

Smeeton, 53, is a married father of two, who lives in a terrace house in the south coast town and works in the motor trade.

But he also has another career: as the leader of a group called March for England. Its motto? ‘We are English and proud - not racist.’

The group, which has more than 400 members, has turned up in towns and cities for occasions such as Remembrance Day and the anniversary of the 7/7 bombings in London.

Its unofficial coat of arms is the flag of St George - which, Smeeton says, they are determined to ‘reclaim’ from the Far Right and hooligan element. A noble sentiment - but one which events last weekend would seem to undermine.

Smeeton and his supporters were in Luton for the Bank Holiday to lay wreaths at the war memorial. And to take part in a supposedly peaceful demonstration against Islamic fanatics who jeered and waved placards saying ‘Butchers of Basra’ during a homecoming parade for The 2nd Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment in March.

But the event on Sunday turned into mob violence. Asians - and Asian shops - were attacked, cars vandalised and stones hurled at police. At the centre of the mayhem, whipping up the 500-strong crowd, were skinheads and men in balaclavas with shirts bearing the Cross of St George.

‘I was very disappointed about what happened,’ Smeeton claimed. ‘Our members were not involved in the trouble. That sort of thing couldn’t have been further from our minds.’

It would be easier to believe Dave Smeeton if it were not for his unsavoury past.

It is encapsulated in a spoof advert for Dr Martens on his Facebook page, in which three skinheads are kicking a man on the floor in the head. The caption reads: ‘Kicking the f*** out of you since 1960.’

Smeeton has added, for good measure: ‘Those were the days.’ He is, after all, a former skinhead himself. He used to belong to the ‘6.57 Crew’, one of the country’s most notorious gangs of football hooligans.

They got their name from the train that took them to away games. Their arrival in a town or city - particularly during the Seventies and Eighties - usually resulted in mindless thuggery and bloodshed.

Some of the 6.57 Crew, according to anti-fascist campaigners, belonged to Combat 18, the armed wing of the British neo-Nazi movement. The ‘18′ stands for the first and eighth letter of the alphabet - AH - for Adolf Hitler.

The men who formed Combat 18 used to handle security at British National Party events, but the BNP was too ‘moderate’ for them so they broke away. They were associated with acts of terrorism, arson attacks and assaults throughout the Nineties.

‘I can understand why people might get the idea I’m a racist because of my past. I was involved with the 6.57 gang - at a low level - in the Seventies,’ Smeeton admitted when challenged about his past.

‘Some of the things we did were wrong. I’ve changed. I despise anyone who says they’ve never made a mistake.’

‘Mistake’? Well, that’s one way of putting it. The Facebook picture of those skinheads, however, to mark a reunion of the ‘crew’ two years ago suggests Smeeton still gets a ‘kick’ out of the old days.

He insists he is a changed man and that March for England comprises upstanding people from all walks of life. You will not be too surprised to learn, however, that many come from one walk of life in particular - the football terraces.

They include ‘QPR Casual’ (’casual’ is slang for a member of a hooligan gang), ‘Chester Casual’ and ‘Chester skin’ (as in skinhead), to name but a few of the contributors on the March for England website.

Large numbers of the protesters who ran amok in Luton, of course, were wearing football shirts and chanting football songs. Just a coincidence, obviously.

Shortly before the protest started at about 5pm, Smeeton and 16 of his March for England associates were spotted in the Wheelwright pub in Luton town centre. Among their ranks was a skinhead in trademark Ben Sherman shirt, red braces and Dr Martens.

Smeeton had been due to address the demonstration, but witnesses say police confiscated his megaphone. By then, trouble was brewing and, presumably, officers feared he might inflame the situation further.

He did speak, but only briefly. We have a copy of the full text of what he intended to say. It ends with a passage from Winston Churchill’s historic wartime speech made on June 4, 1940: ‘We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills, we shall never surrender . . .’

Churchill, of course, would have been horrified to find his words being used by individuals such as Smeeton. But the British National Party employed the same strategy earlier this week when its leader, Nick Griffin, argued that modern Britain, with its record of welcoming immigrants, has betrayed the ‘blood, sweat, toil and tears’ of those who fought for freedom during the Second World War, cynically echoing Churchill’s first speech to parliament as wartime prime minister.

Smeeton is adamant he has nothing against Muslims - only Muslim extremists. Few, however, will be convinced. He and his fellow ‘patriots’ are proof, if nothing else, that extremism breeds extremism on both sides.

Nowhere is this more apparent than in Luton. Anger has been building for some time against the Muslim community - the vast majority of whom are decent, law-abiding citizens - because of the activities of a tiny and unrepresentative minority.

One of the militants convicted of plotting to blow up the Bluewater shopping centre in Essex in 2007 came from the town and the 7/7 London bombers congregated at Luton station before heading to King’s Cross.

Luton, according to a leaked intelligence report, remains a focus for concern for anti-terror police. But, more than anything else, it was the ‘reception’ given to soldiers that caused so much outrage here. Many local families have fathers, sons and brothers in the regiment.

The backlash has been violent and indiscriminate. Already one of the young Muslims who jeered the returning soldiers has had the windows of his home smashed, his car set alight, and the words ‘Scum’ and ‘Get out’ daubed on his walls. The man, in his 20s, had to be given round-theclock police protection, along with his sister and parents.

Just after midnight on May 5, Luton’s Islamic Centre was torched; a firebomb hurled through a window.

For the record, those who run the centre have utterly - and publicly - condemned the Islamic fanatics, such as Sayful Islam, the so-called Sword of Islam, who, among others, barracked the soldiers returning from Iraq.

Islam, one-time leader of the town’s branch of extremist Islamic group Al-Muhajiroun, was ‘roughed up’ recently and warned to stop his vile activities - by moderate Muslims, it should be pointed out, who blame him for bringing their community into disrepute.

The mob - and racists - don’t distinguish between ‘innocent’ and ‘guilty’, moderate and militant Muslims.

Shortly before the Islamic Centre, which houses a mosque and school, was set alight, staff received a string of threatening anonymous letters. One warned: ‘We know who you are … we have plenty of pictures of you … we are watching you … we will certainly have you for what you did this week’ [a reference to the homecoming parade].

A second was littered with references to the crusades, including the name of Reynold de Chatillon, whose brutality towards Muslims in the holy land was infamous.

‘Saladdin once preached Jihad against the Christian kingdom, so now we preach our Jihad against Islam!!’, ranted the letter, which described Muslims as ‘parasites’ and ‘Allah’s vomit’.

A similar coat of arms and Crusader imagery is featured in a notorious anti-Islamic website penned by someone calling himself Lionheart.

Lionheart, we discovered, is Paul Ray, 32. Ray used to run a computer repair shop in nearby Dunstable, but is now unemployed. Last year, he was arrested on suspicion of inciting racial hatred and is still on bail.

Asked if he sent the poisonous letter to the Islamic Centre weeks before it was torched, Ray replied: ‘This is the first I’ve heard about the letter. The Muslims must be trying to pin the firebombing on me.’

Guess which organisation Paul Ray belongs to? Yes, that’s right, March for England. He took part in Sunday’s demonstration, but says he was not involved in any of the trouble. Ray calls Smeeton a ‘very good friend.’

Smeeton has made much of the fact that March for England pulled out of organising last weekend’s protest a few weeks ago because the council was being uncooperative.

But, on May 11, the day the group officially dissociated itself from the event, Smeeton was on the internet posting this rallying call: ‘We will not be putting their name to this march. There’s no reason not to go. As far as I know of up till today this will go ahead but not official.’

Another site, run by ‘associates’ of Smeeton, advertised the event with crude insults designed to whip up the mob. Among the vile postings was this: ‘Who do you think you are kidding Mr Muslim, when you think the English will back down? Take your beard and that stupid f****** dress you wear, and f*** off out of England.’

Is it any wonder that a supposedly peaceful protest became a riot? The thugs were organised, peeling off into groups, each rampaging through the town centre, making it almost impossible for police to contain them.

One group of about 40 or 50 protesters tried to storm an Asian-run fast-food outlet, Pepe’s Piri Piri fried chicken shop in Chapel Street. Staff and customers trapped inside locked the door, but the mob began banging on the glass with sticks.

Then they unfurled the flag of St George and pressed it against the window. A young Asian man trapped outside was beaten up and left covered in blood - in a scene not unlike the one depicted in Dave Smeeton’s ’skinhead’ advert.

The toll so far: nine arrests - more could follow once police have finished analysing CCTV footage - thousands of pounds’ worth of damage, not to mention the bill for the police operation, and community relations at breaking point.

You might think the protesters had made their point, but no. We understand another demonstration is planned for Luton in August.

‘It’s time to unite against everything that is ruining our country,’ declares Dave Smeeton on the March for England website.

‘It’s time to remove that notion that the St George flag is racist … to claim back our flag which should never have been associated with racism in the first place.’

Patriotism or stirring up trouble? Either way, it would be better coming from someone who was not a (former) football hooligan.

SOURCE: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1189639/Unmasked-The-football-hooligans-weekends-bloody-protest-Muslim-war-demo.html

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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‘National Anarchism’ California Racists Claim They’re Anarchists

by papaskin on Jun.01, 2009, under Scene News

San Francisco — At this year’s Bay Area Anarchist Bookfair, held in Golden Gate Park in mid-March, there was plenty of discord among the 6,000 or so anarchists in attendance. The militant vegans of the Animal Liberation Front, for instance, sold books advocating violence in defense of animal rights while a nearby “anarcho-steampunk” (a survivalist with a fetish for Victorian-era steam-powered contraptions) casually skinned a roadkill raccoon. “It’s good protein,” he offered.

Unifying anarchists has been likened to herding cats. But if there is one theme that most anarchists will rally around, it is that of stamping out racism, especially organized racism driven by white nationalist ideology. Many younger anarchists are members of Anti-Racist Action, a national coalition of direct-action “antifa” (short for “anti-fascist”) groups that confront neo-Nazis and racist skinheads in the street, often resulting in violence. At the Golden Gate book fair, one antifa crew handed out stickers with a telephone hotline number that called out the racist skinhead groups Volksfront and the Hammerskins and encouraged fellow anarchists to report in with “Information on Racist/Fascist activity in your area.”

But also lurking at the book fair was a handful of little-noticed anarchists of a different sort — so-called “national anarchists,” who advocate racial separatism and white racial purity. They’re also fiercely anti-gay and anti-Israel. Calling themselves the Bay Area National Anarchists (BANA), they envision a future race war leading to neo-tribal, whites-only enclaves to be called “National Autonomous Zones.”

“We are racial separatists for a number of reasons, such as our desire to maintain our cultural continuity, the principle of voluntary association, and as a self-defensive measure to protect each other from being victimized by crime from other races,” BANA co-founder Andrew Yeoman told the Intelligence Report.

Members of BANA and other likeminded national anarchists cloak their bigotry in the language of radical environmentalism and mystical tribalism, pulling recruits from both the extreme right and the far left.

“It’s an extremely diverse group,” said Yeoman, with no hint of irony. “We have ex-liberals, ex-neo-cons, we have Ron Paul supporters, we have ex-skinheads, we have apolitical people that have been turned on to our causes.”

Although national anarchism in the U.S. remains a relatively obscure movement, made up of probably fewer than 200 individuals in BANA and a couple of other groups in northern California and Idaho, organizations based on national anarchist ideology have gained a foothold in Russia and sown turmoil in the environmental movement in Germany. There are enthusiasts in Britain, Spain and Australia, among other overseas nations. Now, national anarchists in the U.S. are carefully studying the successes and failures of their more prominent international counterparts as they attempt to similarly win converts from the radical environmentalist and white nationalist movements in this country.

“The danger National Anarchists represent is not in their marginal political strength, but in their potential to show an innovative way that fascist groups can re-brand themselves and reset their project on a new footing,” said a report issued last December by Political Research Associates, a Massachusetts-based progressive think tank. “They have abandoned many traditional fascist practices — including the use of overt neo-Nazi references. In [their] place they offer a more toned down, sophisticated approach … often claiming not to be ‘fascist’ at all.”

‘Entryism’ and the Left
Indeed, one of national anarchists’ principal tactics is called “entryism,” defined in one of the movement’s how-to guides as “the name given to the process of entering or infiltrating bona fide organizations, institutions and political parties with the intention of gaining control of them for our own ends.”

In The Case for National-Anarchist Entryism, leading national anarchist ideologue Troy Southgate, a Briton, called for national anarchists to join political groups and then “misdirect or disrupt them for our own purposes or convert sections of their memberships to our cause.”

Anti-racist anarchists on the West Coast have been aware of national anarchists attempting to infiltrate and exploit their scene since at least 2005, when the Oregon eco-anarchist magazine Green Anarchy issued a warning: “If you encounter these people, don’t be fooled by the surface similarities; treat them as if they were Klan members or Nazis.”

Nevertheless, the doctrines of national anarchism seem to be making inroads into what Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, a longtime researcher of esoteric Aryan racial cults, has called “a folkish or tribal revival among white youth who are beset by an acute sense of disenfranchisement.”

National anarchists appeal to these youths in part by avoiding the trappings of skinhead culture — flight jackets, shaved heads and combat boots — in favor of hooded sweatshirts and bandanas. They act the part of stereotypical anarchists, as envisioned by most Americans outside of far-left circles: black-clad protesters wreaking havoc at political conventions and anti-globalization rallies.

In reality, although militant street action has been a favored and much-noticed tactic of some anarchist groups, most anarchists are less interested in smashing the state than in learning to live outside it. They scavenge surplus groceries for their meals, squat in abandoned buildings and construct pirate radio stations.

Yeoman said it was this do-it-yourself ethos that inspired him to become involved with the anarchist movement not long after the sometimes-violent 1999 anti-globalization demonstrations in Seattle drew international notice. But it didn’t take him long to move towards white separatism. In 2003, “the Anarchist People of Color had a well-known meeting in Detroit in which they prohibited white people from entering,” Yeoman recounted. “It was seen as this progressive thing not to allow white people into their meeting so they could pursue their black agenda or whatever. I really saw that as a huge contradiction between behavior that was allowable for certain kinds of people but not people of my descent.”

Coming Out
BANA first began appearing in public in San Francisco only in late 2007. Since then, BANA members with “Keep Our Children Safe” signs have protested alongside Christian Right demonstrators outside a gay leather subculture festival in San Francisco and organized a cleanup of San Francisco Bay shores. “Just because you’re proud to be white doesn’t mean you have to let everything go to waste,” one BANA member stated in a YouTube video documenting the beach cleanup.

The group also recently formed at least a fleeting alliance with the American Front, a skinhead group based in Sacramento, Calif. American Front leader David Lynch credits BANA online with helping raise funds on behalf of a member of the domestic extreme-right terrorist group The Order who’s due to be released from prison early next year.

Last Dec. 28, BANA members donned their national anarchist hoodies —emblazoned with “Smash All Dogmas” on the back and “New Right” on both sleeves — tied bandanas over their faces, unfurled a banner reading “Yes We Can, Bay Area National Anarchists” and joined a protest of several thousand against Israel’s bombing of the Gaza Strip. Practicing full-blown entryism, they marched between groups carrying the Palestinian flag and the gay-pride flag, while shouting, “Fuck, Fuck, Fuck Zionism!”

More recently, BANA members have started carrying a black flag with the letter Q in one corner. That’s a reference to Yeoman’s claim that his ancestors rode with Quantrill’s Raiders, a notoriously violent pro-Confederate guerrilla outfit that battled for control of the border state of Missouri during the Civil War.

Like their late hero Julius Evola, an esoteric Italian writer and “spiritual racist” lionized by modern-day fascists, BANA members believe themselves to be in revolt against the modern world. The group’s website carries notes of high praise for neo-Confederate secessionist groups like the League of the South and the Republic of South Carolina. Some of the site’s content is unintentionally comical. For example, BANA exalts the lily-white town of Mayberry in the 1960s TV sitcom “The Andy Griffith Show” as “a realized anarchist society.”

Yearning for Eden
The bulk of the BANA website, in fact, consists of long-winded blog posts predicting the imminent collapse of multicultural liberalism. Most illustrative of BANA’s worldview — and its hopes for the future — is a short piece of urban apocalyptic fiction that Yeoman penned for BANA and cross-posted at the white nationalist website Stormfront.org. It’s titled, “The Clock Strikes High Noon.”

The story begins on a San Francisco morning with a young white woman on a bicycle. She witnesses a fight break out between a black man and a Latino. An anti-fascist street punk steps in to break up the fight, only to be beaten down. The bicyclist turns away and pulls out her laptop to discover the country is collapsing: the president has been assassinated, the stock market is in free fall, and the Constitution has been suspended.

Horrified, she speeds home on her bike into the gentrified section of the predominantly Latino Mission district, or “what she likes to call the ‘whiter and brighter’ side of the Mission.” Inside the house, tuning into dire radio and police dispatches, she decides it’s a “better time then [sic] ever to activate the network,” apparently a fictional surrogate for BANA. The “network” has caches of food stashed throughout the Bay Area, which members collect and bring together at a “National Autonomous Zone, where people can be trusted to keep the zombies away.”

The “zombies” are non-whites, who “emerge from the confines of the projects and barrios where the city likes to keep their surplus labor contained.” The story ends with the woman on her way out the door to a safe house, chambering a round into her .45 pistol, and proclaiming, “It’s time to get out of Dodge.”

White nationalists taken with this kind of scenario have long proposed creating white homelands or what have been called “Pioneer Little Europes.” The “PLE” movement encourages white nationalists to consolidate their presence in white neighborhoods, creating a communal atmosphere whose insularity will repel ethnic minorities. H. Michael Barrett, the originator of the Pioneer Little Europe idea, has engaged in discussions with national anarchists about the shape of his plan. For his part, Yeoman conceded that BANA’s National Autonomous Zones are similar to PLEs, but he claims BANA’s enclaves will be superior because residents will be selected far more carefully.

“A PLE has all the problems inherent with an open-door hippie commune in the 1970s, with the free-love mentality,” Yeoman said. “We’re what a PLE would be if it had higher standards.”

Strait is the Gate
The reality is that BANA’s philosophy is such that it has thus far drawn few followers and many enemies. Hard-liners on both the far left and the far right have expressed their disdain for national anarchism in no uncertain terms.

“I am totally dedicated to finding an equitable solution to the Jewish question. But I will be damned if I will bust my ass and sacrifice my individual desires so that a bunch of social leftists can co-opt the struggle,” said one poster at Stormfront.org, the world’s largest racist Web forum. “You want the flash of calling yourselves ‘anarchists’ without any of the philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim. The name ‘anarchist’ has a pseudo revolutionary flair. You want that, but do not want to be linked with 19th century Jewish bomb tossers.”

“Our role with the white nationalist movement is a transformative one rather than symbiotic one,” Yeoman responded in an interview. “We have friends in the white nationalist movement but we have just as many enemies.”

Even some who are ideological BANA allies do not agree with its recruiting aims. One of the few other national anarchist groups in the United States, Idaho Falls, Idaho-based Folk and Faith, has no interest in recruiting “left-wing scum,” in the words of its leader, a former skinhead who uses the name “Joe Hadenuff.” (BANA’s magazine Hadenuff was named in his honor.)

In a forum post, Hadenuff made clear who he thinks potential recruits to the movement should be. “Try ex-skinheads that have all grown up and are raising families, try ex-reactionary racialists now moving on to folk-centered idealism, try ex-NS’ers [National Socialists] that just got worn out on ‘88′ [neo-Nazi code for "Heil Hitler"] and Sieg Heiling cameras as a purported answer to our folk’s problems,” he wrote. (Last year, Hadenuff, a former soldier whose real name is Jeremy T. Wilcox, had part of an Army court martial verdict against him — for attending a Klan rally and posting racist material in 2000 — set aside.)

On most of the far left, BANA is even more despised.

One of the few non-BANA anarchists to express support for the philosophy is Keith Preston, who runs attackthesytem.com, an online gathering place for anarchists critical of far-left anarchism — a philosophy that Preston has sneeringly suggested is held by “throwaways from exurbia who think they are doing their part to bring down the System by renouncing deodorant, gorging themselves with tofu and calling their bourgeois parents Nazis for voting Republican.” Preston seeks to build tactical alliances with separatists of every stripe, including Christian theocrats, white nationalists and black separatists.

That attitude — the willingness to seek out recruits from other political sectors, many of them non-racist — is what has many observers worried about the potential for national anarchists and their small but growing movement.

“The National Anarchist idea has spread around the world over the Internet,” is how the Political Research Associates report puts it. “The United States has only a few websites, but the trend so far has been toward a steady increase.”

The movement, PRA concluded, could become the new face of the radical right.

SOURCE: http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?aid=1058

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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Going Under: An Infiltrator of Hate Groups Remembers

by papaskin on Jun.01, 2009, under Scene News

White power!”

Nearly 200 racist skinheads, white-robed Klansmen, and other white supremacists chanted racist slogans as they marched through downtown Montgomery, Ala., on a sunny Saturday in March 1991. As they passed the headquarters of the Southern Poverty Law Center, Mark Carpenter — the leader of a new hate group called the White Reich — yelled out, “[SPLC co-founder] Morris Dees is a racist Jew and a queer!”

He sounded like a bigot brimming with hatred. But Carpenter had a secret. His true identity was Special Agent Bart McEntire of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms. For months, he’d been preparing to go undercover to investigate the skinhead underworld in Birmingham, Ala., which at the time was among the most active and violent in the country. To establish his credentials, McEntire had asked an ATF informant to drop his cover identity’s name in white supremacist circles. He’d scoured newspaper articles for details about unsolved robberies and bombings he could claim to have committed. And he’d arranged for the Lexington County Sheriff’s Department in South Carolina, where he’d begun his law enforcement career, to conjure a record showing that Mark Carpenter had been arrested for illegally possessing explosives.

Finally, he and the White Reich were making their public debut in Montgomery. It was the beginning of an 18-month undercover investigation that took McEntire and fellow ATF agents from Klan rallies throughout the Southeast, to skinhead gatherings deep in the woods of rural Alabama, to a military base in western Georgia. The investigation helped solve a series of murders and contributed to the successful prosecution of more than a dozen white supremacists on charges ranging from illegal possession of firearms to homicide and manslaughter. It also uncovered a ring of soldiers at Fort Benning who were supplying hate groups with stolen military weapons, highlighting the ongoing dangers of white supremacists infiltrating the military.

Now, on the eve of his retirement from the ATF after a 23-year career, McEntire is for the first time telling the story of his double life as Mark Carpenter. His account reveals some of the tactics he used to penetrate the inner circle of a criminal subculture in which young minds were twisted to believe that brutal murders of unarmed black homeless men constituted the first battles of a fast-approaching race war. This war was to be fought in part with guns and bombs stolen from the armories of the Zionist Occupied Government, the enemy otherwise known as the United States.

The following account is based on extensive interviews with McEntire and other local and federal law enforcement officials; state and federal court documents; Associated Press articles; and McEntire’s unpublished memoir, Not for Self But Others.

Making Friends
The first contact McEntire developed was Cecil Bradley, a member of the Alabama Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. They’d marched together in Montgomery. Several nights a week, McEntire drove to Bradley’s house in nearby Hueytown, Ala., in his ATF undercover vehicle: a blue and gray GMC pick-up with mud grip tires and four-wheel drive. They’d sit on Bradley’s front porch, sometimes drinking beer. McEntire commiserated with the Klansman about how minorities were taking over the world. Soon, Bradley was singing the praises of Mark Carpenter and the White Reich to other Birmingham-area Klansmen.

One evening, Bradley’s 9-year-old son, Phillip, gave McEntire a straight-armed Nazi salute.

“What are you?” Bradley asked.

“A national socialist,” the tow-headed boy replied.

“What’s that?

“A Nazi.”

“Where does Adolf Hitler live?”

“In my heart.”

Bradley beamed. He often trotted out his son to repeat his allegiance to Hitler. The exchange always made McEntire queasy. Yet he also saw him play tenderly with his disabled daughter and learned that Bradley had lost his own father as a child.

One night a couple months after they’d started hanging out, Bradley confided in a low voice that a longtime Klansman was organizing a militant extremist group some 20 miles southeast of Birmingham on Oak Mountain. He was a true warrior for the white race, Bradley said. McEntire had to meet him.

Meeting the Boss
As the light faded in his suburban Birmingham neighborhood several days later, McEntire pulled on an old Soldier of Fortune T-shirt, a ragged pair of jeans and heavy work boots. He rubbed his hands, arms and clothing with a gooey mixture of dirt, engine grease and water. He tossed a shovel, rake and lumber into the blue and gray pick-up truck.

He also armed himself with his ATF-issued 9 mm Sig Sauer semi-automatic pistol. “Only a German gun is suitable for killing our enemies,” he’d tell his new friends.

After picking up Bradley at his home, they headed south toward rural Shelby County. The truck bounced along a rutted dirt road that snaked its way through thick woods until a ramshackle house appeared in a clearing on a hill. As he turned into the driveway, McEntire saw Bill Riccio, who rented the so-called “WAR House” that was named after his hate group, the White Aryan Resistance.

“Great,” McEntire recalls thinking. “All I need is to meet a Klansman holding an ax.”

But Riccio was simply cutting some trees for the night’s cross lighting. As he launched into a tirade about the superiority of the white race, kids arrived for the night’s festivities. They greeted McEntire with a Nazi salute and shouted “Heil Hitler!”

“Heil Hitler,” McEntire replied.

Riccio told McEntire that he needed to keep a low profile while he was still on parole. He had racked up several felony convictions, including firearms and civil rights violations.

The sounds of gunfire often reverberated as kids took part in rifle target practice. The group was trying to obtain its goal of a separate nation for whites not only through political tactics — such as distributing fliers near shopping centers and schools — but also by teaching followers how to engage in armed combat.

Yellow Laces
On April 18, 1992, the ATF Birmingham Field Office received a call from the Birmingham Police Department. Just before 4 a.m. that morning, a Birmingham police officer on patrol had responded to an apparent fatal industrial accident.

At the scene, the officer saw that a railroad train had run over a man, whose left foot was severed. But the officer also observed a trail of blood leading from the man’s bedroll beneath a bridge, where homeless people often slept, to his body some 20 feet away. The man’s face was cut and he had a stab wound in his chest. The victim was black.

Meanwhile, about 20 minutes earlier, two officers patrolling the nearly empty streets had seen someone throw an object through the passenger side window of a blue Chevy Malibu not far from the railroad tracks. They stopped to retrieve what turned out to be a 12-inch hunting knife. It was dripping with blood.

The occupants of the vehicle included three young men who were members of Riccio’s skinhead network.

Four months earlier, on Christmas Eve, another homeless man was beaten to death beneath the same bridge. Yet another was found unconscious on the road below. It appeared that he’d jumped from the overpass to escape the same fate.

The violence continued. On April 16, 1992, just two days before the victim with the severed foot was discovered, a group of homeless black men were sleeping beneath the bridge when several young white men drove up in a red truck. One of them stabbed a man in the back. He spent a week recovering in a hospital.

The spate of violence sharpened the focus of McEntire’s investigation. It also prompted him to enlist the help of Dave Behrend, a six-foot-two, 245-pound ATF agent who assumed the role of bodyguard for the leader of the White Reich.

During McEntire and Behrend’s first visit to Riccio’s after the discovery of the severed-foot murder victim, the atmosphere was unusually subdued. They noticed two skinheads slip outside. They were Louis Oddo, a hulking thug, and Adam Galleon, a skinny kid who sported a white supremacist tattoo on his head. The two undercover agents watched them whisper together intently. Neither Oddo nor Galleon had been in the car when the four skinheads were arrested on April 18. The two agents glanced at one another. They were both thinking the same thing: the whispering skinheads were involved in the murders and attacks.

At a Birmingham-area rally several weeks later, Behrend overheard another skinhead exclaim, “You ain’t shit until you earn your yellow shoelaces.”

Some skinheads wear yellow laces in their combat boots to signal that they’ve killed someone. McEntire remembers thinking the skinheads were murdering homeless men “for a damned pair of yellow shoelaces.”

Big Chops
Three months after the April murder, Riccio invited McEntire to a Klan rally in northern Alabama’s Morgan County. As McEntire and another undercover agent got ready to leave the WAR House, a skinhead — nicknamed Chops because he sported sideburns extending from his ears to his mouth — asked if he could ride with them.

Chops usually smelled bad and enjoyed talking about his sex life. It was going to be a long ride.

As they headed north on I-65, the lush scenery on either side of the highway unspooled like ribbon. And so did Chops.

“Bum bashing, man, that’s what it was,” McEntire remembers him saying. “Those niggers did not have a chance.”

Chops was referring to the night on Christmas Eve when skinheads killed the homeless black man with a baseball bat and chased another off the overpass. He began naming the skinheads who’d participated, including Galleon and Oddo — the two that McEntire and Behrend had seen whispering together at the WAR House.

Soon he began revealing details about other incidents, including the second murder. Clearly, he wanted to impress the White Reich, which had developed a fearsome reputation and was often fending off requests from white supremacists eager to join.

Military Neo-Nazis
Around the same time that Chops unwittingly gave up several fellow skins for murder and attempted murder, McEntire’s undercover operation took another dramatic turn. He was sitting on a Klan leader’s porch talking about explosives with a couple of skinheads when one of them, Ken Collins, asked if they wanted to see something.

Collins scurried around the back of the house. When he returned, he proudly displayed a Model M116A1 hand grenade simulator, used in the military to teach people how to operate hand grenades.

“You know how to really hurt someone?” he asked, according to McEntire’s notes.

McEntire smiled encouragingly.

“Wrap some BBs around it.”

McEntire wanted to get it away from Collins, but the skinhead was reluctant to part with his prize. Finally, he agreed to trade the simulator for a six-pack of Budweiser.

Collins explained that he’d gotten the simulator from some soldiers at Fort Benning, just over the Alabama line in Columbus, Ga. The soldiers were stealing military equipment from the base and selling it to white supremacist groups.

“We could really use some of that stuff,” McEntire said. “I need to meet those guys.”

Collins said he’d work on it.

But before Collins set up the meeting, McEntire’s cover was blown when an HBO producer who’d been working on a documentary about Riccio, and who’d met McEntire when he was at the WAR House in character, spotted him at the ATF’s offices in Birmingham. Despite her swearing not to reveal his identity, McEntire’s superiors forbade him from continuing to work undercover, though he was still allowed to run the operation.

Then Collins made contact and said he’d arranged a meeting with the soldiers. McEntire knew that if he didn’t go along, Collins might suspect it was a setup. So McEntire instructed the three undercover agents who’d be driving to Columbus to act decisively when they picked up Collins at the WAR House. “Two of you grab him, put him in the car, lock the door, give him a beer, and don’t let him out,” he remembers telling them.

As predicted, Collins was upset when he didn’t see McEntire in the car.

Behrend offered an excuse for McEntire’s absence and explained that the other two men were the White Reich’s explosives guys.

Collins yelled racial slurs out the window of the ATF’s black Camaro on the way to the soldiers’ home, a run-down trailer on the outskirts of Ft. Benning. Balled-up fast-food wrappers, beer cans and liquor bottles littered the floor.

The soldiers — Michael Stacy, Mark Abbott and Keenan Zimmerman — were skittish. Because the white power band Skrewdriver was blasting from a stereo, Behrend called Zimmerman into a bathroom so their conversation would be picked up by the agent’s body wire.

“Listen, brother,” Zimmerman said, according to Behrend’s notes, “if we get busted for this shit, you guys are going to a fucking country club prison camp somewhere, and we’re going to fucking Leavenworth to do hard time busting big rocks into smaller rocks.”

Eventually, Zimmerman handed over a single grenade simulator. They’d have to return if they wanted explosives to blow up synagogues and black churches.

Two days later, the undercover agents and Collins once again headed to Fort Benning. When they arrived at the trailer, the soldiers drew a map showing where they’d stowed the explosives.

After the agents tried unsuccessfully to find the cache in the darkness, the soldiers — heavily armed with machine guns — brought them to a dirt road surrounded by pine forest and gestured toward a nearby tree.

“They’re going to hose us down, man,” Behrend recalls saying to another agent.

But instead Behrend safely retrieved a canvas duffel bag with an artillery simulator, flares and rounds of tracer ammo.

Leaving Columbus, they stopped at a gas station. An exhausted Behrend, who’s now a supervisory criminal investigator with the Department of Homeland Security, held the door for an older black woman. She glared at him. For a moment he was confused. Then he saw his reflection in the plate glass; he was wearing a T-shirt emblazoned with a swastika and the words “white power.”

The Unmasking
On Aug. 10, 1992, McEntire strode into the Hugo L. Black U.S. Courthouse in downtown Birmingham. McEntire was the sole government witness scheduled to testify at a bond hearing for Bill Riccio and Ken Collins. Both men had been arrested on federal weapons charges, along with Bradley.

McEntire had forsaken his worn jeans and white power T-shirt for a suit and tie. As he entered the courtroom, Collins looked up in shock, while Riccio’s eyes burned with contempt.

McEntire spotted Bradley — the Klansman who’d been his first contact — in a blue T-shirt sitting behind one of the attorneys. McEntire had gotten to know Bradley well. He felt that Bradley could have had a different life, if only there’d been someone to show him the way.

He slowly walked over to Bradley and put his hand on the man’s shoulder.

“Cecil,” he remembers saying, “it will be all right.”

Bradley gazed at him with fear and surprise. He shook his head.

McEntire walked away. He couldn’t think of anything else to say.

Prison Times
Riccio pleaded guilty to federal firearms violations and was sentenced to four years in prison. He served less than two years of his sentence, resumed his white supremacist activities upon his release, and continued to recruit youths into the movement, albeit on a much reduced scale. Collins and Bradley also pleaded guilty to firearms violations and received sentences of five months of imprisonment and three years’ probation, respectively.

Four skinheads were convicted of murdering the homeless black men and sentenced to between 25 years and life in prison. Two others were convicted of manslaughter. One, who wielded a knife, received the maximum penalty of 20 years. The other, who drove a getaway car, was sentenced to nine months in prison and five years probation.

U.S. soldiers Zimmerman and Abbott were court-martialed, dishonorably discharged, and sentenced to five- and four-year prison terms, respectively.

McEntire and his family left Birmingham shortly after he testified against Riccio. A wanted poster showing his face was plastered on white supremacist websites. He never worked undercover again.

When he looks back on his year-and-a-half living as Mark Carpenter, he remembers snapshots of images from nights at the WAR House and white power rallies. At one rally, when it came time for the grand finale — the lighting of a 30-foot high swastika — the skinheads realized they’d forgotten the diesel fuel. McEntire and another agent drove from one convenience store to another in rural Alabama, but none of them carried it. They finally bought two quarts of oil and mixed it with five gallons of gasoline.

When they pulled into the entrance of the Klan-owned farm, they handed over the gas can without revealing that the liquid inside was fast-burning gasoline. The skinheads doused the burlap-covered swastika with the concoction. As they lit the swastika, it caught fire with a tremendous whoosh that sent the white supremacists fleeing. McEntire smiled as the flames consumed the symbol of hate.

SOURCE: http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?aid=1059

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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CrimeFighters Manhunt: Russell Sedgwick

by papaskin on Jun.01, 2009, under Scene News

The News 8 CrimeFighters are helping authorities in a countywide manhunt for a fugitive with a violent history.

Russell Sedgwick, 30, is wanted for violating the terms of his parole. State parole agents tell us Sedgwick is a “high control parolee” with a history of weapons, assault and narcotics related offenses. He’s also a documented skinhead.

Sedgwick is a white male. He’s five feet, eight inches tall and weighs about 140 pounds. Hey typically has a shaved head, but has blonde hair and blue eyes. He’s known to hang out in La Mesa and El Cajon.

If you have any information, call San Diego Crimestoppers at (888) 580-TIPS.

Crimestoppers is offering a reward for information that leads to an arrest. You don’t have to give your name to be eligible for reward money.

SOURCE: http://www.cbs8.com/Global/story.asp?S=10434008

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Skinhead stompers stump up £1,300 for hospice appeal

by papaskin on May.18, 2009, under Scene News

A SKINHEAD stomp at a South Yorkshire club raised almost £1,300 for the Bluebell Wood Children’s Hospice Appeal.

A cheque was handed to hospice representatives at the Effingham Arms in Rotherham town centre.

The party celebrated 40 years of the skinhead movement and around 240 people attended from across the north.

Organiser Jack Parry said the event at the Silverwood Miners’ Welfare at Dalton had been a night to remember.

The party, which went on until 4am, featured live rockabilly and soul plus a vinyl disco with DJs blasting out the late 60s classics that helped skinheads become the most memorable movement of their time.

Jack said: “We had a top night – it was great to see people we’d not seen for a while and lots of memories came flooding back.”

SOURCE: http://www.thestar.co.uk/news/Skinhead-stompers-stump-up-1300.5272654.jp

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Death in Madrid’s subway: security camera records it all

by papaskin on May.12, 2009, under Scene News

On November 11, 2007, Carlos Javier Palomino, a 16 year old young man, was murdered in the metro of the city of Madrid and the crime was registered in a shocking video.

The 23 year old killer, Josué Estebánez, coincided with the adolescent in a car at  Legazpi station, and with a rapid stab he sank the dagger in his heart, as it is possible to see in the images.

In the video it is observed how Estébanez, professional soldier, was going to an  ultra-right demonstration when he met, in a full car of the metro of Legazpi station a group of leftist who were going to precisely prevent that demonstration.

Many of them keep looking at the soldier, who already had the knife in his hand. Palomino, with a red cap, touches the sweatshirt of Estebánez - with a mark used by skinheads - and this one answered by stabbing  him in the heart and pushing him, as the young man falls down to the floor.

The video shows the later confusion moments, while the skinhead remains alone in the car and seems to shout inside the car, doing a Nazi salute to the friends of the victim with his right arm.

SOURCE: http://momento24.com/en/2009/05/10/death-in-madrids-subway-security-camera-records-it-all/

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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Hate group in court

by papaskin on May.12, 2009, under Scene News

VICTORVILLE • Seven skinheads arrested during a warrant sweep in San Bernardino and Riverside counties were in court this week answering to charges from assault with a deadly weapon to conspiracy to commit a crime with gang allegations.
The preliminary hearing for all seven suspected Inland Empire Skinhead members made for a crowded venue of legal maneuvering.
“Three of the defendants ended up entering pleas, two of the defendants waived their preliminary hearing and two defendants continued their hearings so they could consider the offers that had been made in the case,” said Deputy District Attorney Mari Braun, who is prosecuting all seven.
Joseph Mason, 20, pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit assault and gang activity, Braun said, and was sentenced to 8 years and 8 months in prison.
Joshua Butler, 28, and Carrie Goodwin, 25, both pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit residential robbery and gang activity.
Butler was given a 9-year sentence, while Goodwin — who was pregnant at the time of her arrest on April 20, investigators say, and tried to induce labor that day because it’s Adolf Hitler’s birthday — will be sentenced on June 5.
Four other suspects have preliminary hearings scheduled for later this month.
While white hate groups make up only 11 percent of the total gang population in the High Desert, sheriff’s officials said their small numbers don’t make them any less dangerous.
During the April sweep detectives recovered white supremacist and gang paraphernalia including swastika banners, crossed battle axes, brass knuckles, framed photographs and portraits of Hitler.

SOURCE: http://www.vvdailypress.com/news/court-12214-group-hate.html

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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Former skinhead shares message of tolerance in West Boca

by papaskin on May.08, 2009, under Scene News

WEST BOCA - Growing up, Angela King thought it was normal to hear racial slurs. After all, they came from her parents.

King on Thursday described her early descent into the rough and hateful world of white supremacy groups. But despite almost a decade as a skinhead, it was a reformed King who stood before about 85 students at the Donna Klein Jewish Academy. Three years in prison saved her.

“I had never taken responsibility for anything I did,” said King, 33, now a doctoral student at the University of Central Florida. “I realized in prison that I had made those choices. My entire life, I never really liked myself. How could I like anybody else in the world?”

The school west of Boca Raton and the Anti-Defamation League partnered to bring King’s story to eighth-, 10th- and 11-graders. King’s blunt speech about the choices she now regrets supplements the students’ six-week study of the Holocaust.

King traced her decision to become a skinhead to her teen years, when she felt alone and left out. She latched onto white supremacy and quickly got the acceptance she wanted. She dropped out of Cooper City High and traveled around the country meeting other skinheads.

Back in Florida in 1998, King and three others were arrested for attacking and robbing a Jewish video store owner in Hollywood. King, at 23, was sentenced to six years in prison. She served three. In prison, she forged friendships with people she once professed to hate. She began to turn her life around.

“What drives a person to hate?” asked Susan Gurspan, middle school Judaica teacher. “What does it take to break free?”

King tried to answer those questions for the students with her story. At one point, she became a recruiter of new skinheads and drowned her feelings of emptiness in drugs, sex, alcohol and crime.

“I try to speak to people to make sure no one goes through what I went through,” she said. “I try to act as an agent of change, not only to make up for my past but to show that individuals have the power to change.”

Aaron Fried, 14, said he was impressed King would “say how she was wrong and she’s telling us kids that she was wrong.”

Jeremy Gozlin, 14, added: “I realized she’s not the same person anymore. It teaches me anyone can change.”

SOURCE: http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/breakingnews/sfl-white-supremacist-speaks-p050809,0,7628768.story

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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Caught Live: The Specials

by papaskin on May.08, 2009, under Music and Show news

WHEN you’ve waited almost three decades to see your favourite band – what’s another 24 hours?

The reunited Specials may have started their run of London gigs a day late due to singer Terry Hall’s bad throat, but they still got an ovation fit for returning heroes.

And Terry, who was in fine voice throughout, needn’t have worried if his voice needed a rest anyway.

The 5,000 people crammed into the Brixton Academy were more than happy to do the bulk of the singing.

This was less of a gig and more a nostalgia-filled party, soundtracked by some of the best songs ever written.

Jamaican ska classics A Message to You Rudy, You’re Wondering Now and Skinhead Moonstomp got the whole place swaying and dancing.

But the best moves and biggest cheers were saved for the Specials own outstanding compositions, including No1 singles Too Much Too Young and Ghost Town and the still sublime Night Klub and Rat Race.

The average age of fans was double that of most gigs in Brixton and with tickets at £40, T-shirts at £20 and even a programme for sale – it was clear the target audience was the more affluent middle-aged fans who grew up with the band.

So gone were the fights and stage invasions that marked Specials gigs the first time around – and in their place one giant ska-punk sing-along.

On the 30th anniversary of debut single Gangsters – and playing the capital for the first time since their acrimonious split in 1981 – the band were on fine form.

Neville Staple bounded around the stage like he was still 24-years-old, guitarist Roddy Radiation was tighter than ever and Terry still knows how to captivate an audience.

Of course there was something missing.

Founder, brains and chief-songwriter Jerry Dammers was excluded from the reunion, meaning that only six of the original seven Specials were on stage.

While his stand-in as keyboard player was outstanding, there was something subconsciously not quite right about seeing The Specials without the man who invented 2 Tone.

But six sevenths of The Specials are still better than almost every other band that will play Brixton this year.

It was a gig worth the wait.

Souce: http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/showbiz/music/caught_live/article2418778.ece

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Neo-Nazi mother banned from teaching son

by papaskin on May.07, 2009, under Scene News

SYDNEY, Australia (JTA) — An Australian court banned a neo-Nazi mother from taking her young son to right-wing political rallies or teaching him her views.

Family Court Deputy Chief Justice John Faulks ruled that the German-born mother, known only as Mrs. Hoover, and her estranged Australian partner, known only as Mr. Hoover, are also forbidden from inciting racial hatred when in the presence of their 6-year-old son.

Australian newspapers reported this week that the judgment, delivered in Canberra on April 9, also banned Mrs. Hoover, a former skinhead, from viewing Web sites “promoting Nazism, neo-fascism or Web sites that advocate racial vilification” while the child is in her care.

Meanwhile, police in Melbourne have been called to a market twice to remove a man selling Nazi memorabilia, according to The Leader newspaper.

Tony Dunlap, who reportedly sold items with swastikas next to the flag of Israel at his stall, is considering taking legal action against the market operators, according to the newspaper.

SOURCE: http://jta.org/news/article/2009/05/06/1004953/court-bans-neo-nazi-mother-from-teaching-son

Note: papaskin.com does not condone any Racist bullshit, in fact we are 100% against it. We do however see the importance in reporting all sides of our subculture

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